Exhibit 001B
Exhibit 001C
Exhibit 002
The untold story of female immigration
to New France
Most of us are familiar with the story of the
King's Daughters or Fille Du Roi; the state sponsored program that brought
almost 800 single women to Québec in the early days of the French settlement,
but what is not so well known is the story of the Fille a Marier. Between
1634 and 1662; 262 young ladies braved the elements to begin an uncertain
future in the backwoods of Canada
When the Company of 100 Associates began their
settlement scheme, their plan of recruiting only families proved to be too
costly, so instead they signed on single men; tradesman and labourers; who
would be indentured for three years. However, this meant that more than
80% of the colonists were men, so even if they decided to stay at the end of
their term, there was little hope of them starting a family, unless they chose
a Canadian girl (Indian). But, since her family would never allow her, or her
children, to leave their village; the company directors needed to avoid this
from happening.
So instead, they began recruiting
"marriagable young girls", who would first sign a contract in France France
At the time, marriages were arranged, so if the
girl's family did not have the means to provide a suitable dowry, her only
option was to become a nun, if she was Catholic; or marry beneath her station.
In the case of the young Filles a Marier, though a marriage contract must be
signed before departure, she had every right to refuse the union, once she met
her husband-to-be. As a matter of fact, many of them did just that, and
were provided safe passage home.
Below is a list of all the women brought over
under this plan. Some were sponsored by their church, a company associate
or merchant. Others were of minor noble families; cousins or sisters of
men already in the colony. Marguerite Bourgeoys and Jeanne Mance, also
escorted several, training them in the necessary domestic skills, and ensuring
that they would be well looked after. Later, critics of the plan tried to
say that all the girls were prostitutes taken off the streets of Paris
Meet the Filles A Marier:
Achon, Ozanne-Jeanne (Anne)
|
Anet, Jeanne
|
Armand,
Marie
|
Arneau, Jeanne (Marie-Marthe)
|
Arnu, Marthe
|
Artus, Michelle
|
Aubert, Marguerite
|
Banne, Gillette
|
Banse, Marguerite
|
Barbeau, Suzanne
|
Barré, Gabrielle
|
Beaucier, Jeanne
|
Beaudoin, Madeleine
|
Beaudry,
|
Bénard, Catherine
|
Bénard, Françoise
|
Benet, Marie-Suzanne
|
Bérard, Marie
|
Betfer or Bedford, Suzanne
|
Bidard, Marie
|
Bigot, Françoise
|
Bigot, Jeanne
|
Bigot, Marguerite
|
Bissonnet, Marie
|
Bitouset, Jeanne
|
Boileau, Marguerite
|
Boissel, Marie
|
Bonin, Marie
|
Borde or Desbordes, Jacquette
|
Boudet, Romaine
|
Bourdon, Marie
|
Bourgouin, Marie-Marthe
|
Boyer, Anne
|
Boyer, Marie
|
Breton, Marguerite
|
Brière, Jeanne-Angélique
|
Bugeau, Suzanne
|
Camus or Le Camus, Élisabeth
|
Camus, Catherine
|
Capel, Françoise
|
Cartier, Hélène
|
Cerisier, Jeanne
|
Chapelier, Marie
|
Charles, Catherine
|
Charlot, Marguerite
|
Châtaigné, Marie
|
Chatel, Hélène
|
Chaverlange, Jeanne
|
Chefdeville, Marie
|
Chevalier or Lechevalier, Anne
|
Chotard, Jeanne
|
Colin, Catherine
|
Cousteau, Marie-Madeleine;
|
Crampon, Catherine
|
Crépeau or Crépel, Françoise
|
Crevet, Marie
|
D’Assonville, Gabrielle
|
De Lamarque, Anne
|
De Lambourg, Esther
|
De Liercourt, Anne-Antoinette
|
De Mousseau, Louise
|
De Poitiers, Marie-Charlotte
|
De Richecourt dit Malteau, Jeanne
|
Delaunay, Anne
|
Delaunay, Jeanne
|
Delavaux, Catherine
|
Deligny, Marie
|
Denoyon, Suzanne
|
Desbordes, Mathurine
|
Després, Anne
|
Després, Geneviève
|
Després, Marguerite
|
Desvarieux, Vincente
|
Doucet, Marie-Madeleine
|
Doucinet, Marguerite
|
Drouillard, Marie-Madeleine
|
Drugeon, Élisabeth
|
Dubois, Madeleine
|
Duchesne, Nicole
|
Duguay or Dugué, Jeanne
|
Dumesnil, Marie
|
Dupont, Marie-Madeleine
|
Durand, Anne-Antoinette
|
Duteau dit Perrin, Marie-Michelle
|
Duteau, Madeleine
|
Duval, Louise
|
Duval, Suzanne
|
Duverger, Françoise
|
Duverger, Suzanne
|
É mard, Anne
|
Fabrècque, Madeleine
|
Fafard, Françoise
|
Fayette, Marie
|
Ferra, Marie
|
Forestier (Fortier), Catherine
|
Fougerat, Charlotte
|
François, Marie-Madeleine
|
Freslon, Jacqueline
|
Frit, Marie
|
Gachet, Marie
|
Gamache, Geneviève
|
Garnier or Grenier, Louise
|
Garnier, Jeanne
|
Gauchet de Belleville, Catherine
|
Gaulin, Marguerite
|
Gausse dit Le Borgne Françoise
|
Gelé, Louise
|
Girard, Marie
|
Giraud, Isabelle dit Marie
|
Gobinet, Élisabeth dit Isabelle
|
Godard, Jeanne
|
Godard, Marie
|
Godeau, Marie
|
Godin or Bodin, Jeanne
|
Godin,
|
Gouget, Catherine
|
Grandin (Grandry), Marie
|
Grandry, Marie
|
Grenier, Antoinette
|
Grenier, Françoise
|
Grignault dit Gobineau, Marie
|
Guillebourdeau, Marguerite
|
Hagouin, Élisabeth
|
Hardy, Marie-Anne
|
Hautreux, Marthe
|
Hayet, Marguerite
|
Hérault, Jeanne
|
Herlin, Anne
|
Houart, Catherine
|
Hubert, Marie-Marthe
|
Hubou, Barbe
|
Hubou, Françoise
|
Hurault or Hurelle, Catherine
|
Jaleau dit Ploumelle, Jeanne
|
Jamare, Marie
|
Jarel or Jaroux, Suzanne
|
Jarousseau, Suzanne
|
Jobin, Françoise
|
Joly, Marie
|
Jopie, Anne
|
Lagrange, Jacqueline
|
Lamoureux, Antoinette dit Louise
|
Landeau, Marie-Noëlle
|
Languille, Marie
|
Latour dit Simonet, Catherine
|
Le Flot, Michelle
|
Le Laboureur, Anne
|
Leboeuf, Marguerite Marthe
|
Lebreuil, Louise-Thérèse-Marie
|
Leclerc, Adrienne
|
Leclerc, Marguerite
|
Leclerc, Marie
|
Ledet or Léodet, Anne
|
Lelièvre, Françoise
|
Lemaître, Denise
|
Lemoine or Le Moyne, Anne
|
Lemoine or Le Moyne, Jeanne
|
Lerouge dit St-Denis, Jeanne
|
Leroux, Mathurine
|
Leson, Anne
|
Letard, Marie
|
Longchamp, Geneviève
|
Loppé, Renée
|
Lorgueil, Marie
|
Lorion,
Catherine
|
Lotier (Lothier), Catherine Maclin, Marguerite
|
Macré or Maqueray, Geneviève
|
Manovely de Rainville, Geneviève
|
Marchand, Catherine
|
Marecot (Marcotte), Madeleine
|
Marguerie, Marie
|
Martin, Anne
|
Mathieu, Catherine
|
Mazouer or Mazoué, Marie Méchin, Jeanne
|
Méliot, Catherine
|
Mercier, Jeanne
|
Merrin or Mairé, Jeanne
|
Méry, Françoise
|
Mésangé, Marie
|
Métayer, Marie
|
Meunier, Françoise
|
Michelande, Madeleine
|
Migaud, Suzanne
|
Mignon, Jeanne
|
Morin, Claire
|
Morin, Françoise
|
Morineau, Jeanne
|
Morisseau, Marg-Madeleine
|
Mullois de Laborde, Madeleine
|
Nadreau, Françoise-Jacqueline
|
Nau de Fossambault, Michelle
|
Nau-Fossambault, M-Catherine
|
Oudin, Marie
|
Pacreau, Marie
|
Panie, Isabeau
|
Panie, Marie
|
Paré (Paris), Claire-Françoise
|
Parenteau or Parentelle, Marie
|
Patou, Catherine
|
Paulo, Marie
|
Pavie, Marie
|
Pelletier or Peltier, Marie
|
Pelletier, Jeanne
|
Péré, Marie or Marie-Suzanne
|
Perrault, Marguerite-Cécile
|
Picard, Marguerite
|
Picoté de Belestre,
|
Pinet de La Chesnaye, Marie
|
Pinson, Marie-Marthe
|
Poireau, Jeanne
|
Poisson, Barbe
|
Poisson, Mathurine
|
Pomponnelle, Marie
|
Pontonnier, Marie
|
Potel Jacqueline
|
Pournin or Pournain, Marie
|
Radisson, Élisabeth
|
Radisson, Françoise
|
Rebours, Marguerite
|
Renaud, Marie
|
Renaudeau, Judith-Catherine
|
Renaudin Blanchetière, Marie
|
Reynier, Christine
|
Richard, Marie
|
Rigaud, Judith
|
Riton, Marie
|
Rocheron, Marie
|
Rocheteau, Suzanne
|
Rolland, Nicole
|
Rousselier, Jeanne
|
Roy, Jeanne
|
Roy, Marie
|
Saint-Père, Catherine
|
Saint-Père, Jeanne
|
Saulnier (Duverdier), Françoise
|
Sauviot, Marguerite
|
Simon, Marie
|
Sinalon, Jeanne
|
Soldé, Jeanne
|
Soulinier, Marie
|
Surget, Madeleine
|
Targer, Élisabeth (or Isabelle) Taupier, Marie
|
Testard, Jeanne
|
Teste, Marie
|
Thavenet, Marguerite-Josèphe Therrien or
Terrier,
|
Tourault, Jacquette
|
Triot, Marie-Madeleine
|
Trotin, Marie
|
Valade, Marie-Barbe
|
Vauvilliers, Jeanne
|
Videau, Anne
|
Vié dite Lamotte, Marie
|
Viger, Françoise
|
Vignault, Jeanne
|
Vivran or Vivier, Jacquette
|
Voidy, Jeanne
|
Exhibit 003
Catherine Lorion, a valorous pioneer !
by Antonio
The founding of Ville-Marie [1] is characterized by the
importance of the role played by some famous ladies of whom Jeanne Mance [2],
Marguerite Bourgeoys [3] and Jeanne Le Ber [4] who came to set the social basis
of Quebec's metropolis in an era when philosophers questioned the
intelligence of women. As society turns out to be the sum of its members,
following the example of their leaders, hundreds the other heroic women
contributed to the construction of Montréal : Catherine Lorion was not the
least.
Childhood and youth in Aunis
Ste-Soulle was a small village a few leagues away
from La Rochelle in Aunis
and under its estate management and election, bounded in the North by the Marais
Poitevin and in the South by the Charente
river. The conglomeration which owes his name to sainte Soline, an Early
Christian martyr who lived in the IIIth century, thus setting the origin of the
village in the Gallo-Roman era.
Catherine Lorion was born in this village of 335
persons between the years 1636 and 1638, stemming from the marriage of Mathurin
Lorion and Françoise Morin/Morinet. She unfortunately lost her mother at an
early age, leaving her orphan with her younger sister Marie. Her father Mathurin
[5] married Jeanne
Bizet on May 2, 1649 in La Rochelle
City builders of
Ville-Marie
Catherine leaves adventurously family, friends and
land. Under the call of Sieur de
Maisonneuve [6], she embarks in St-Nazaire, on the St-Nicolas-de-Nantes on June
20, 1653 [7] with some 100 participants of the Grande Recrue [8], including
Marquerite Bourgeoys.
The intention of Sieur de Maisonneuve was to repel
Iroquois and to establish solidly the city colony of Ville-Marie. For
this purpose, he wanted to take with him no one but young, sturdy and brave
men, ready to take up arms as well as prepared in a profession necessary or
useful to the new establishment. Recruited in Picardie, Champagne, Normandie, Ile-de-France,
Touraine, Bourgogne, Maine and Anjou, surgeons, millers, carpenters, masons,
gunsmiths, brewers, confectioners, shoemakers, etc. undertook for a term
anywhere from three to five years with the Compagnie de Montréal for wages
varying to one's trade.
A dozen
brave young ladies, aged from 10 to 32 accompanied Marguerite Bourgeoys in this
adventure : Catherine Lorion was one of them.
The
Recrue landed on November 16, 1653 ; winter had already begun. The cheerfulness
which burst out at the arrival of this recruit illlustrates the city's
weakness. Indeed Ville-Marie was completely incapable to increase the number of
the colonists, having nothing to offer other than the inseparable
hardships due to the extreme poverty which was bore, and the Indian attacks to
which one was exposed ceaselessly.
Of the
95 who crossed on the St-Nicolas, 24 were massacred by Iroquois; 4 drowned ;
one burnt when his house caught fire [9].
The situation of
Ville-Marie in 1653
Hardly
ten years after its founding, Montréal was dying. The number of victims caused
by the Iroquois assaults increased ceaselessly and, in the testimony of the
Père Ragueneau, it is hardly if the colony counted fifty Frenchman, all
together in the Hotel-Dieu hospital and the fortification. " Iroquois, he tells,
threatens our part of the country. One can feel everywhere their inhumanity
(sic) and go more and more continuing their fury, not only against the rests of
Algonquins and the Hurons, but presently turn their fury against our French
houses. "[10] After their massacre of Huron villages, it is indeed
on Ville-Marie that Iroquois rushed, where a handle of Montréalistes waited for
them heroically. In 1651, the Père Ragueneau clarified: " It is a miracle
that the Frenchmen of Ville Marie were not exterminated by the frequent
surprises of the Iroquois troops often times strongly supported and driven
away. " [11] The Ville-Marie's condition, in 1653 , was distressing,
dying. Jeanne Mance herself said that no help from France
On
November 16, 1653, together with the pioneers of The Grande Recrue, Catherine
landed off the St-Nicolas-de-Nantes facing these harsh conditions.[13]
In
Ville-Marie, the young lady lived in the fortification among hundred
inhabitants, but under the steering of Mother Bourgeoys who prepared her for
the harshness of her new life.
On
October 13, 1654, in the presence of Lambert Closse [14], Catherine married
Pierre Vilain. Misfortune strocked. A few months after the wedding, Pierre
On June
29, 1655, Sieur de Maisonneuve led Catherine to the altar to wed Jean Simon. On
September 3, 1656, Catherine gave birth to Léonard, first son, bearer of hope,
an enjoyment shared by all the Marian community : Paul de Chomedey, Sieur de
Maisonneuve and Jeanne Mance held the child over the font.
Wretchedly,
this happiness will last little! On November 24, hardly two months after the
birth of the baby, Jean drowned in the stormy St-Laurent. Nineteen years old,
widower for the second time, mother of an infant child, Catherine needed to
survive without the support of her family, in this wild and inhospitable
country.
Life
took its rights again. On April 9, 1657, Catherine got married to Nicolas Milet
dit le Beauceron, carpenter and pit-sawyer engaged by The Grande Recrue of
1653. In all due respects, Nicolas signed an agreement with his young
wife to the benefit of the son of the late Léonard Simon who would be
raised as his own son and will be called Léonard Simon Millet. Happiness
still seemed possible.
Family reunion
In
1658, after an estrangement which will have lasted 5 years, Mathurin,
Catherine's father, landed in Nouvelle-France with his wife Jeanne Bizet and
his daughters Marie, daughter from his first wife Françoise Morin ;
Jeanne, more or less 8 years old ; and Renée, a baby a few months old.
Finally gathered with the members of her family, we can easily imagine the joy
of our pioneer. on October 23, 1658, Mathurin signed a first farming lease, of
a term of three years, [15] .Time after which the family has established on the
Côte Ste-Anne in Pointe-aux-Trembles (2 arpents no 40 - French land measure
close to an acre), a few leagues away downstream from the fortification.
At the time, each first colonist received a lot.
Nouvelle-France
turned out to become an earth of hope. On January 25, 1660, Jean, son to
Mathurin and Jeanne Bizet, was baptized. The only one of the two sons of
Mathurin to survive childhood and thus perpetuate the surname Lorion-Laurion in
Quebec , today spread out to the four corners
of North America and, just return of things, even back in Europe, of which Switzerland
Time flew. Catherine
bore eight children to Nicolas : Catherine, Nicolas, Charlotte, Pierre,
Jacques, unnamed, François and Jean. More misfortunes : two died at an
early
age.
The Milet's lived in the viscinity of Ferme-St-Gabriel owned by
Congregation Notre-Dame.[16]
In
January, 1671, Catherine and Nicolas married their eldest daughter Catherine,
13 years of age, to Jean Reynau dit Planchard. The Milet, Lorion, Delpué (
Renée Lorion), Simon, Reynau dit Planchard held tight links woven between the
members of the family, already spreading out on four generations, all being
close neighbours : Mathurin Lorion, head of the family ; Catherine
Lorion-Simon-Milet, our heroine, Catherine Milet-Reynau dit Planchard, her
daughter ; and the great-grandchildren.
Spell
striked again. On March 8, 1674, Nicolas Milet dit Beauceron died in the
glowing fire that destroyed the family house [17], two months after the birth
of the couple's eighth child, Jean. Widowed for third time, without roof nor
fortune, Catherine needed to assure the survival in her numerous family.
Forty
years old, rich in her courage and determination, survivor, Catherine married
Pierre Desautels dit Lapointe, widower of Marie Rémy and father of two boys.
Strangely, Catherine had met two of her four husbands during the crossing on
St-Nicolas-de-Nantes. Two sons arose from this last union: Pierre and Gilbert
who assured a numerous descent.
In 1681, Catherine and Pierre
possessed 1 rifle, 5 horned animals and 18 arpents in value.
On
October 29, 1681, Léonard, stemming from Catherine's first wedding to Jean
Simon, took for wife Mathurine Beaujean. The young couple settled as first
neighbours of the grandfather Mathurin Lorion. The couple gave birth to twelve
children. Adventurous, Léonard undertook from 1685 on, as trapper in the
Canadian West, allowing him to draft pelts in Indian
territory . Léonard committed on four occasions, leaving wife,
mother and children in the constant fear of an accident or an assault ;
let us remember that travelling at the time was done on bark canoes by
rivers and great lakes, while being constantly the prey of a rival Indian
tribe. One can imagine easily Catherine's fears, she who had already undergone
the loss of three husbands by means of a violent death.
On
April 19, 1683, Mathurin Lorion, ploughman, father of Catherine and ancestor of
all Lorion-Laurion's, died in the Hôtel Dieu of Montréal. He will have been
married twice or thrice and been the father of 9 daughters and 2 sons.
Québec and North America owe him thousands of
heirs.
Together,
Catherine and her father will have had undergone bravely fates of life : death
of Françoise Morin, separation during five years, reunion in Nouvelle France,
establishment of the father near his daughter in Pointe-aux-Trembles. Mathurin
threw into mourning his third wife, Jeanne Bizet ; his children Catherine,
Marie, Renée and Jean ; numerous grand and great-grandchildren.
War tragedies
Life in
Nouvelle France
The last years
Pierre
Desautels died on November 19, 1708. The couple will have shared 32 years of
common life.
Twelve
years later, four times widowed, mother of 11 children, Catherine passed away
on April 20, 1720, at the respectable age, for the time, of eighty and some
years. More than hundred descendants survived her : Simon's dit Léonard,
Thibault's dit Léveillée, Poutré's, Millet's, Raynaud's dit Blanchard,
Gariépy's, Janot's, Lacombe's, Archambault's, Allard's, Lécuyer's and
Desautels' dit Lapointe. Obviously, no Lorion's.
Would Quebec
Epilogue
Over
fifteen generations of Lorion's have lived in Montréal since Catherine's
arrival, of which my grandchildren (12th generation by my mother Cécile
Laurion ;15th generation by my wife Marie-Thérèse Besner, descendant of
Catherine).
It is with pride that I honour
one of the mothers of our people.
Antonio
Di Lalla, descendant of Mathurin Lorion
[1] Montréal's original name.
[2] Knowned as co-founder of
Ville-Marie, she instituted the Hôtel-Dieu, first hospital in Montréal,
nowaday a Université de Montréal medical center.
[3] Marguerite Bourgeoys (1620-1700) founded
Ville-Marie's first school, where she educated both French and Indian
children. She founded the Congregation Notre-Dame, congregation of
teaching nuns. Furthermore, she heeled the sick and wounded, helped to
defend the community, built numerous institutions and gave wise advice as well
to the governors as to the peasants. St Marguerite Bourgeoys was
canonized in 1980.
[4] Ville-Marie's first cloistered nun.
She gave wise advice to many in Montréal.
[5] Mathurin Lorion married Françoise
Morin/Morinet in about 1635 in Ste-Soulle. Some authors talk of a
second wedding in 1643 to Marie Barbier.
[6] Paul Chomedey, sieur de Maisonneuve
founded Ville-Marie together with Jeanne Mance in 1642. He took charge as
first governor.
[7] Research by Institut francophone de
généalogie et d'histoire de La Rochelle.
[8] AUGER, Roland. La Grande Recrue de
1653. Publications de la Société généalogique canadienne-française.
Mtl. 1955.
[9] idem
[10] Relations de 1650. P. 28ss. In La
Grande Recrue de 1653.
[11] Relations de 1651. P. 2.
In La Grande Recrue.
[12] AUGER, Roland. La Grande Recrue de
1653.
[13] Some authors state that she was
accompanied by her sister Marie, but there seems no proof of the latter living
in Ville-Marie from 1653 to 1658.
[14] Ville-Marie heroe.
[15] TRUDEL, Marcel. Le Terrier du
Saint-Laurent en 1663. Éditions de l'Université d'Ottawa.
1973. P. 442.
[16] CHICOINE, Émilia. La Maitairie de
Marguerite Bourgeoys. Fides. P.92.
[17] Idem
[18] SOUCY, Roméo. Aperçu d'histoire de
Pointe-aux-trembles. 1974. P. 27.
Copyright (c)
1998-2013 LAURION & Co. Tous droits réservés.
nlaurion@club-internet.fr
Exhibit 004
La Rochelle history
nlaurion@club-internet.fr
Exhibit 004
La Rochelle history
The region was first occupied 2000 years ago by the Romans, who
established salt production - still an active local industry. There is little
evidence of this early occupation however.
The town as we see it today came into being as a small fishing village
in the 10th century. By the 12th century it had become an important port town
on the west coast of France
Importantly it also had a town charter enabling it some degree of independence
and self-governance - for example certain tax exemptions and its own coinage.
Battle of La Rochelle
In June 1372, during the Hundred Years War between the English and the
French, a substantial sea battle took place off La Rochelle, with the combined
Spanish and French forces defeating an English fleet and removing the
long-standing English pre-eminence in the seas off the french coast.
Entering the 16th century, La Rochelle
became an important centre for protestants in France France
at that time, and a siege of the city started in 1572 that only ended a year
later with the end of the wars, at which time La Rochelle
was made just one of three cities in France
The active protestantism in the town contributed to its next stage of
troubles, in 1627, when La Rochelle
Siege of La Rochelle
The siege of La Rochelle France ,
and La Rochelle La Rochelle
After the siege the city refound its earlier prosperity due to international
trade - this time also including the 'new-territory' of Canada La Rochelle
With the end of the 18th century the importance of La Rochelle
Second World War
During the Second World War La Rochelle was an important naval base for
the occupying German navy. At the end of the war it was the last city in France La Rochelle
The
town prides itself on its rebellious history - the motto you will see often as
you travel around is 'La Rochelle
Exhibit 005
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Source Citation: Place: Montreal
Source Information:
Gale Research. Passenger and Immigration Lists Index,
1500s-1900s [database on-line]. Provo ,
UT , USA
Original data: Filby, P. William, ed. Passenger and Immigration
Lists Index, 1500s-1900s. Farmington
Hills , MI , USA
Description:
Updated annually, this database is an index to passengers who arrived inUnited States
Updated annually, this database is an index to passengers who arrived in
_________________________________________________________
Exhibit 006
___________________________________________________________________________
Exhibit 007
_________________________________________________________________________
Exhibit 008
The Migration and Settlement of
Franco-Americans in New England : “Survivance”
of the Crash
Lisa D. Helstrom
Foundation of
the People: Sterling and Virile
With a
devout dedication to faith, family, and ancestral tradition, the
French-Canadians can be considered a loyal group. For their hardiness and willful labor, they
can be credited largely for the conversion of the North
America from a land of wilderness into cities and farms
(Kalijarvi, pg. 132). While their people
inhabited land stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific, the settlement of
French-Canadians in New England is primarily a
social movement that has gone unrecognized and disregarded despite its great
influence on American culture. Public
acknowledgement of French-Canadians stems mostly from their voting rights, but
feelings of dislike toward this group have largely contributed to the
unhappiness and ethnic crashing that started with emigration, but has lasting
impacts even today. Through their
struggles in the U.S.
Historical
Background
The
French-Canadians, more presently referred to with the politically correct term
“Franco-Americans,” came to what is now the province of Quebec France
to what is now Nova Scotia and then from there
were sent by the English to the Louisiana France
to the United States Quebec
and their descendant families continue to be a large force in Quebec Quebec into New England . Demographically, the French made up the
fourth largest minority group in the United States
During the
nineteenth century, Quebec Quebec
Since Quebec
A more direct source of
indebtedness of Quebec
Since the crisis for the
French-Canadians essentially started after the defeat of Montcalm by Wolfe and
the British in 1759, by the time severe indebtedness occurred the French
population in North America had been on downward for quite some time (Rollins,
pg. 76). They were forced since 1759 to
be subservient to a Protestant and English-speaking monarch that put them on
the defensive and challenged their ability to comply with “survivance.” The industrial calling from the United States
The Migration
phase
While the largest phase of
French-Canadian migration took place in the thirty years that followed the
civil war, it is important to recognize the duties the French-Canadians
provided to the United
States Quebec Vermont , forming the first small
French-Canadian settlement in New England
(Rollins, pg. 76). After the civil war,
however, the largest movement of French-Canadians took place. It wasn’t until September 10, 1930 that the
border was closed to French migration (Kalijarvi, pg. 133).
The major
migration phase of the French-Canadians was massive, yet only lasted about
sixty years. It is suggested that as
many as half may have returned home, but the individuals that stayed in the
northeast remained devoted to their heritage.
With a strong religious calling, a major source of internal crash for
the French-Canadians was simply the migration into a new culture where they
needed to have clear sight of their goal to resist total assimilation.
In the nineteenth century, nationalistic ideologues in Quebec America
However, it was after the Civil War that people in the United States migrated westward and people from Canada began more successfully migrating to New England . The
major cause of this population shift and the explosion of French-Canadian
immigration can be significantly attributed to the to the twelve Boston
When greater demands were placed on
mill operatives, American born employees—primarily unmarried girls—began to
abandon the textile mill kind of work.
While the jobs were filled for a short time by Irish immigrants, the
positions were soon deserted again and factory managers drew heavily on the
human resources of Quebec Quebec United States
Settlement:
Little Canadas
The French-Canadians carry a great
sense of pride in their identity as it connects to religion and heritage. Of the importance of this preservation,
Gerard Brault writes: Imbued with a strict brand of Catholicism and convinced that
preserving their cultural heritage involved a fight against long odds, a
considerable number became absorbed in the group’s inner life and stood on the
defensive in their relations with others throughout most of their history
(Brault, pg. 1).
Not only does a strong feeling of heritage make physical
movement difficult, but also the emotional turmoil that French-Canadians faced
when crossing territorial and cultural lines was immense. The great migration took place at these great
cultural, economic, and emotional costs.
A genuine
characteristic of the early French-Canadian settlers was tendency of a town or
parish to stay together. Migration
generally involved the entire family unit, and if one family left for the New England states, it was likely that the next family to
leave would also head for the same community (Hendrickson, pg. 35). The elite of Quebec
did not support the settlement of French-Canadians in New
England and condemned the dangers of urban life. The French-Canadians compromised their
settlement by entering the American social structure through the labor market,
but also transmitting a French flavor to the communities they called “Little
Canadas.” These communities were
predominantly French and Catholic and centered life around the church and
school, creating an environment that appeared much like life in Quebec
Essentially, the French-Canadians
migrated as families to New England only to attempt to resettle their lives as
if they remained in Quebec New England area: They have retreated into narrow ghettoes confining
themselves to ingroup activities to avoid the major unpleasantness of community
life and to shun open competition on unfair terms with those who discriminated
against them economically, politically, educationally, and socially (Foley
1960: 11; Rollins, pg. 81)
Next in line to the family, the molding of the
French-Canadian ethnicity is largely from the church and parish. A study of Franco-American “survivance” and
reconstruction would be severely lacking without an account of the historical
development of parishes and the role that church played in the French Canadian
experience. Most “Little Canadas” would
come to have a church inside their boundaries as the institution was held at
the highest level of precedence (Hendrickson, pg. 37). The massive push for ethnic-religious
independence was a source of ethnic crash and rivalry primarily with the Irish
Catholics who began immigrating to New England
around 1845 following the potato famine (Rollins, pg. 78). The difference between English and French
sermons was a source of alienation for the French-Canadians and another reason
to actually work toward segregation.
Conflicts with
the Irish-Americans and the development of Parishes
Firstly,
the Irish Americans began fearing the new competition associated with the French-Canadian
migration movement. Economically, the
new group was a threat because they would work longer for less pay. Almost forcibly, then, the French Canadians
occupied the lowest social class allowing the Irish to move up in
stratification. The Irish blatantly
looked down on the French-Canadians; these temperamental incompatibilities led
to frequent clashes. Rhea Coté Robbins,
A Franco-American citizen of Waterville, Maine describes how her father in his
youth in the 1930’s era used to go down to Augusta for the purpose of rumbling
and engaging in street fighting with the Irish; the source of this fighting,
Coté describes was a direct relation to the competition between the French and
Irish over mill jobs (Personal email, Coté, 11/2/2005). Even while the two groups were both Catholic,
increased tension resulted from the demand of the French-Canadians for separate
French-Speaking parishes (Rollins, pg. 78).
The conflict which developed in many other sections of the
nation as new immigrants insisted on their own ethnic churches led to the
Cahenslyism movement. Father Peter
Cahensly and others demanded of Rome , that
dioceses in the United
States Europe would then be served by pastor of
the same background, and they would confess their sins and listen to sermons of
their native tongue (Rollins, pg. 79). Without this movement, the French Canadian status may have
hindered the formation of ethnic churches.
If the Irish curate were to request
French-Canadian missionaries or curates then he would run the risk of
displeasing the majority of his congregation—notably, a congregation that
already felt hostility toward the French-Canadian immigrants for causing the
rareness of jobs and the drop in labor wages (Roby, pg. 26). American bishops assessed the number of
applicants desiring a parish led by a French-Canadian and then proposed costs
of erecting a church, a rectory and a school, and maintaining a parish
priest. Frequently these requests were
affirmed: The statistics speak for themselves: the bishops granted 14
such authorizations from 1861 to 1870; 28 from 1871 to 1880; 23 from 1881 to
1890; and 19 during the last decade of the century (Roby, pg. 26).
These parishes represented an extended family for the French
Canadians and contributed to their extensive French-speaking existence. Philippe Lemay, a Franco American
(the more modern and politically correct form of “French Canadian”) of
Machester, New Hampshire
In 1871, our first parish was established and our new
church, St. Augustin’s, was opened in 1873.
A few years later, we had two parishes, so we really could practice our
religious as easily as we did in old Quebec
This religious freedom was not felt without unsettlement: In 1889 the Catholic Council of Baltimore stressed that ‘It
must always be remembered that the Catholic church recognizes neither north nor
south, nor east nor west; nor race nor color.’
That Congress held that ‘national societies, as such, have no place in
the Church of this country; after the manner of this Congress, they should be
Catholic and American’” (Wade 1950: 185, Rollins, pg. 79).
This view was violently opposed for many years by
French-Canadian leaders, but compromises eventually evolved allowing the French
parish to remain the strengthening factor of the French Canadian resistance to
cultural depletion in the church. It was
feared that “survivance” would die due to Irish opposition; however, even today
there are many French language parishes throughout New
England . It is even
suggested that French-Canadians have enriched the area religiously and may be
considered typical of New Englanders (Wade 1950: 191, Rollins, g. 80).
Parochial
Schools
Below the
church, schools rank next in importance.
The “survivance” attitude of French-Canadians quickly clashed with the
unilingual schools in New England . Rather than forcing their children to a learn
a tongue different from that of his home and culture and entrusting the
education of their children to “strangers,” the French Canadians established
parochial schools to meet elementary and secondary school demands (Kalijarvi,
pg. 135). Here, the language of
instruction was generally French.
Parochial schools not only taught standard subjects, but also strove to implant
an ideology of how to live according to well defined rules—sparked by the
Catholic faith (Brault, pg. 74). These
schools were often criticized for their simplistic view of life and tense
discipline, but arguably were beneficial for immigrants aiming for “survivance”
of their faith, language, and culture, all of which were at the very heart of
their educational institutions.
The system, however, which
integrated language, religion, and education, lasted only until around 1960
when economic factors and the assimilation or moving of Franco-Americans to
suburbia caused the French parishes and parochial schools to close one by one
(Jacobson, pg. 643). While present day
language barriers are sparser, the initial transition period into the public
educational system created cultural and linguistic hardship for Franco students
that were not accommodated for. Being
bilingual was a disadvantage and the students were labeled as intellectually
inferior (Jacobson, pg. 644).
Decline of the
“Little Canadas
The substantial preservation of
culture did not fully mean that life in the United States Canadas ” had
among the highest population densities in the United States
A study conducted on the French Canadian population of Lowell New England ,
but by the middle of the 20th century, assimilation had become a
reality (Bélanger, pg. 10).
Among the
reasons for the decline of Franco America America America New
England . From the beginning
of the 20th century until the mid-1930’s the cotton industry began
to relocate to southern U.S.
Politics and
the War
During the
Civil War, an estimated 4000 Franco Americans fought for the Union and tens of
thousands served the United
States
Naturalizing
campaigns prompted a great number of French-Canadian immigrants to become United States United
States
A Micro Example
of Franco-American Hardship: The Hathaway Shirt Company in Waterville , Maine
Hathaway employee, Vicki Gilbert, described to me in a
personal interview in 2003 that she remained in the plant until she was
literally pushed out the door. After the
closing, Gilbert experienced a sense of ethnic crash due to her lack of
education which she says was a stigma of Franco-American mill workers. Without a high school degree, Gilbert could
hardly enter the labor market and was forced to go back to school after decades
of being a mill worker. Gilbert was
happy in the mill and felt protected in a sense being among other Waterville
Experiences of
a Franco-American Waterville Citizen: Rhea Coté Robbins
Rhea Coté Robbins, author of Wednesday’s
Child, describes through a memoir the life of a Franco-American family in
the community of Waterville ,
Maine Waterville Cote
recognizes the idea of ethnic crash and contends:
“The migration of these sturdy French Canadian immigrants,
often known as ‘Canucks’ was very puzzling and sometimes annoying to some
native citizens. Each year their number
increased and the line of Yankees retreated…In the early days there was bitter
feeling between the young men of the “Plains’ and the young men of the town…the
struggle…stemmed from personal animosity and hatred…by the end of the 19th
century, they had reached a point where their presence merited consideration”
(Coté, pg. 48)
Coté further describes how the French culture did not
prepare someone to “compete in the world of high finance…So Colby is safely
tucked away from the onslaught of the French who took up residence in
Waterville to work in the mills” (Coté, pg. 50). Obviously, generations later, Coté’s family
cannot change the fact that Colby
College
The
unsettling relations in Waterville New
England during their migration and settlement phases.
In personal discourse with Coté,
she vehemently described that language for the oppressor/oppressing culture is
a source of power for creating a barrier.
However, theoretically, it is the entire French culture and
Franco-American ethnicity that is being attacked. In Franco-American terms, having another
language besides English came to be seen as a problem rather than an
asset. Oftentimes our society would
consider being “other-languaged” besides English an asset, therefore, Coté
describes that when we look at the Franco-American example from this
perspective it is really being conveyed that being French is the problem
(personal email, Coté 11/2/2005). This
is a direct ethnic resistance because in dealing with the oppressive group and
their limited point of view toward the Franco-Americans, the instance of crash
is in actuality a result of culture and not language.
The Franco
American Legacy
Indisputably,
the emigration of French-Canadians to New England
has left an enduring mark. Similarly,
the immigrants whom returned to Quebec United States was projected in Quebec Canada United States , the Franco-Americans strengthened
Catholic institutions in New England and
actively participated in the industrialization process. While French is hardly spoken regularly in
Franco America New England . As most of these people live in the six
northeastern states, it becomes apparent that the few who have migrated to
other sections have been quite successful in becoming ‘Americanized.’ These French Canadians have not been
influenced by the ‘survivance’ ideal due to their being isolated from the
majority (Rollins, pg. 95).
When specifically examining the impact of the ‘survivance’
legacy on Franco Americans in New England , it
is suggested that among the Franco Americans that reside there, the second
generation has failed to keep pace with others ethnic groups in the
Americanization process (Rollins, pg. 95).
The causes of this resistance to assimilation may have been the strong
desire these immigrants had to keep their mother tongue upon arrival as well as
their French culture; the fear of losing this culture would have meant losing
the all-important Roman Catholic faith.
The price the French-Canadians paid for this preservation may have
seemed worthwhile, but socially an imbalance resulted. The French-Canadians lost one generation in
the process of maintaining “survivance;” therefore, the third generation of
Franco Americans roughly parallels the second generation among other immigrant
groups in terms of the amount of Americanization they have undergone:
While the second generation Poles, Italians, and Irish were
becoming ‘Americanized’ though maintaining their Roman Catholic Religion, the
second generation French-Canadians were remaining French-Canadian in language
and culture (Rollins, pg. 96).
Tracing time:
From soldiers to mill workers to declination and Present day
The
presence of Franco-Americans in the United States
Involvement
with textile industry provided economic similarities among Franco-Americans
while the establishment of parishes and parochial schools lent itself to
voluntary segregation through development of “Little Canadas.” By 1957, however, this intense group cohesion
through voluntary segregation suffered a blow when the number of jobs in the
textile industry dropped significantly and a financial crisis occurred. This crisis resulted in older workers being
eliminated and younger works feeling compelled to seek jobs in the suburbs
(Roby, pg. 436). This movement caused
the populations of major industrial cities in New England
to decrease dramatically. Widespread
anxiety then led the American Congress to adopt a generously funded program for
urban renewal. Certain cities were
selected for renewal where the end result would be for developers to rebuild
low-rent housing units as a priority on the sites of expropriation (Roby, pg.
437).
Politicians hoped this urban renewal would facilitate
re-housing for a majority of evicted property owners and tenants. This proved to be rarely the case.
The
Northern Canal Urban Renewal project demolished more than 200 buildings in Lowell , Massachusetts New England . A major indication of the decline of Franco America
They attacked the very source of our ethnic existence by
restricting, then by Anglicizing, our clergy, as well as by controlling and
Anglicizing our schools, using methods somewhat less Christian (Roby, pg.
455). By 1976, after years of ethnic silencing, “Little Canadas”
became a thing of the past both figuratively and physically.
While
descriptions of migration and settlement tend to accentuate the concise ethnic
solidarity and physical proximity of Franco-Americans, the contemporary
Franco-American cannot fit into such a small box. Today, some Franco-Americans remain in
disappearing industries of fabric mills and shoe shops. More progressively, though, Franco-Americans
very actively cross all employment and educational lines. The group is not confined to one sector of
socio-economic life (Hendrickon, pg. 73).
Without a doubt this ethnic group has both benefited and suffered from
the push for “survivance” and the subsequent force of Americanization. Increased political activity and social
mobility provide arguably positive structural impacts on Franco Americans. On the other hand, the decline of ethnic
parishes and bilingual education create a strain for contemporary
Franco-American families striving to maintain “survivance” and portray
traditional Franco values to their children exclusively.
As with any issue of importance the
ultimate fate of its survival truly depends upon the heart. Even with French customs taking a secondary
degree of importance to the American way, the Franco-Americans in New England are not in great danger of cultural
death. Newer generations of
Franco-Americans may only wish to partly remember their heritage, but partial
remembrance should not be seen with a pessimistic eye. Dorothy Gallagher claimed in an article in
the New York Times regarding the ideology of writing that as is true with story
telling, the second you put a pen to paper, some element of the story is lost
(Gallagher, 2002). Sociologically, the
active preservation of culture can be viewed in the same light. The forest
of Franco-Americans
Works Cited
Brault, Gerard J.
The French-Canadian Heritage in New England :.
Hanover : University P of New
England , 1986. 1-282.
Bélanger,
Damien-Claude. "French Canadian Emigration to the United States Quebec Marianoplolis
College
Coté Robbins,
Rhea. "Franco-American Project." E-mail to Lisa D. Helstrom. 2 Nov.
2005.
Doty, C. Stewart.
The First Franco-Americans: New England
Life Histories from the Federal Writers' Project 1938-1939. Orono: University of Maine
Foley, Albert S.
1960. Survey of Collation of Research in
Inter-religious Relations. Unpublished
paper, Spring Hill College
French Canadians in the United States. Thorsten V. Kalijarvi
Annals of the American
Academy
Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002- 7162%28194209%29223%3C132% 3AFCITUS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-9
Gallagher,
Dorothy. "Recognizing the Book That Needs to Be Written." New York
Times 17 June 2002. 2 Nov. 2002 http://www.nytimes.com.
Hendrickson, Dyke. Quiet Presence. Portland
Roby, Yves. The
Franco-Americans of New-England: Dreams and Realities. Septentrion, 2004.
1-533.
Rollins, John H. Hidden
Minorities:The Persistence of Ethnicity in American Life. Washington D.C.
The Social Context of Franco-American Schooling in New
England. Phyllis L. Jacobson
The French Review,
Vol. 57, No. 5. (Apr., 1984), pp. 641-656.
Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0016-111X%28198404%2957%3A5%3C641%3ATSCOFS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-C
Wade, Mason. 1950.
The French Parish and Survivance in the Nineteenth Century New England .
Catholic Historical Review.
Wednesday's Child. Brunswick :
Maine
Exhibit 009
[1][1] Racial and Ethnic Crash: Examining
Wounds (pg. 3) by Lisa Helstrom, November 14, 2005, SO 252 Colby College,
Professor Gilkes
___________________________________________________________________________________________
Exhibit 009
1880 United States Federal Census
Exhibit 0010
One of the main stitching rooms at the Royal Worcester Corset, Co., Worcester, Massachusetts
Female employees at work in one of the main stitching rooms at the Royal Worcester Corset Co., Worcester, Massachusetts in 1902. The photograph shows nearly 700 women and girls at work at the nearly 500 electrically powered sewing machines. Royal Worcester Corset Co. was started in 1861 by David Hale Fanning. At its height it employed nearly 2000 people. The factory closed in 1950.
Source: Image from page 141 of the Worcester Magazine, October, 1902 (Vol. IV No.4) in the article "The Making of Corsets". Published by the Worcester Board of Trade.
______________________________________________________________________________________________
Exhibit 0011
Note: the following image is an extraction of the information contained on the actual 1920 census document. The size of the actual document does not lend itself to this medium very well.
____________________________________________________________________________
Exhibit 0012 A
_____________________________________________________________________________
Exhibit 0012 B
__________________________________________________________________________________
Exhibit 0012 C
_______________________________________________________________________________
Exhibit 0013
Note: some parts of this narrative can be a bit tough to read but I have
kept it exactly as I had received it from Clark Callear. It poses some intriguing questions and is
interesting to ponder. It is certainly
worth the effort to read.
fhl
fhl
NOTES FOR MY DAVID RELATIVES
by Clark Edmond
Following are translations by
me (Clark Callear using Google) from a French website. The publisher of these
French records has copyrighted them as follows:
“Copyright Permission is
granted to reproduce information from this file with the reference source. We
invite you to a link to the homepage Huguenots file indicating the source. ©
Michel Barbeau, 1998 “
Mr Barbeau is from Quebec New France ”
(Which is very pertinent to our Callear/Clairmont/Cadot/Lemay ancestry… shown
below). I have provided a translated version of some of the David-related
portions of this Huguenot website for you to "copy and paste" into
your browser if you like:
http://translate.google.com/translate?hl=en&sl=fr&u=http://pages.infinit.net/barbeaum/fichier/fichieab.htm&ei=FGqOS76aI5KXlAeOsq2XDQ&sa=X&oi=translate&ct=result&resnum=2&ved=0CAkQ7gEwAQ&prev=/search%3Fq%3D%2522Guillaume%2BDavid%2522%2BNew%2BYork%2Bhuguenot%26hl%3Den
Below is specific evidence
proving that our David ancestors were definitely Huguenots... not to mention
Hebrews directly descending from King David of Old Testament times. The
evidence below backs up what I have already traced on my own.
In essence I have now traced my
son Zach's ancestry all the way back to Adam and Eve. Most of his Grandmothers
and Grandfathers in this David line are very well sourced and documented,
especially the Quebec and New York
More
info follows:Also [See below for Clark ’s FinalNote and Recap]Also below is our farthest Hebrew genealogy line I have for my son
Zachary(using the Bible Genealogies were ach Adam and Eve):
Following is Michel Barbeau’s Huguenot research translated
into English:
############################################
"File Huguenots Name, surname: Original French text: Marie Armand Origin:
unknown origin in
Name,
surname: Original French text: Guillaume [William] DAVIDOrigin: Unknown Origin
in France [Clark'saccurate research saysBracquemont, Rouen, Normandy, France]Spouse: Armand Marie (see this name)Wedding date:
1656, Trois-Rivières, France Proof:
Confirmed on 10/08/1659 at Quebec, the couple spent in New England with her husband
in 1677, at least one of his grandchildren will be baptized at the Reformed
Church of New York NOTES: The couple returns to France, are found in La
Rochelle in 1711 Sources: DGFQi [René Jetté, Dictionnaire Quebec families]***
########################################
Continued: I had translated this portion about Guillaume’s daughter Madeleine(1666-1714)before I realized that Guillaume (William) and his wife Marie Armand were listed specifically by name:
“Introduction:
This file contains the names of
319 Huguenots that I have identified to date. Included in this file reports the
Huguenots in New France is that they have been crossing into New
France , they stayed there a while and they settled there. Despite
all the rigor that I have shown it is possible that some errors if you find an
error or have information which may correct or expand this file, please contact
me.
The file is listed
alphabetically by surname, click for accécéder section containing the first
letter of surname:
This database hold the name of
321 Huguenots who stayed or etablished in New France
from the beginning of the colony to 1763. The file is in alphabetical order.
Click on the section of your choice.
"File Huguenots
Name, surname: David, Madeleine
Origin: Trois-Riviere, born
15/2/1666, daughter of the previous
Spouse Wedding Date place:
Jacques Lepage (see that name [below]), around 1683, New York
Proof: At least one of the
couple's children was christened at the Reformed Church of New York
Source: DGFQ [René Jetté,
Dictionnaire Quebec families] FMNA [Marcel
Fournier, From New England to New France
(Note: many Fourniers are Callear ancestors)]"
Name, surname: Lepage, Jacques
Origin: Touraine ,
[né vers 1656 Touraine
Spouse, Wedding Date, place:
Madeleine David [daughter of Zach Callear's 10th Great Grandpa Guillaume David
and sister of Zach's 9th Gr Grandpa Jacques DAVID, b. 1657] Madeleine David
(see this name) m. about 1693, New England
Proof: Confirmed on 10/02/1669
at Quebec
NOTES: Soldier in the Carignan
Regiment, moved to New England after his
dismissal, EA Montreal back in 1699
Sources: FMNA [Marcel Fournier,
From New England to New France (Note: many Fourniers are Callear ancestors)],
DGFQ [René Jetté, Dictionnaire Quebec
For those of us who descend
from Guillaume David or from Jacques Lepage and Madeleine David (1666-1714)
(and more) I have translated the whole website at:
http://translate.google.com/translate?hl=en&sl=fr&u=http://pages.infinit.net/barbeaum/fichier/fichieab.htm&ei=FGqOS76aI5KXlAeOsq2XDQ&sa=X&oi=translate&ct=result&resnum=2&ved=0CAkQ7gEwAQ&prev=/search%3Fq%3D%2522Guillaume%2BDavid%2522%2BNew%2BYork%2Bhuguenot%26hl%3Den
[See below for Clark ’s Final Note and Recap]4
èThis is the farthest genealogy line I have for my son
Zachary:
Zachary Clark CALLEAR, b. 4 Oct 1986Lewiston , Idaho USA
Zachary Clark CALLEAR, b. 4 Oct 1986
•Father: Clark Edmond
CALLEAR, b. December 9, 1954 Fort
Bragg , North Carolina , USA
•Father: Edmond
D'Orville 'Ted Edmond Callear' CLAIRMONT, b. Feb 6, 1934 North Bay
•Father: Joseph Augustus
CLAIRMONT, 1903-1984, Gravenhurst ,
Ontario , Canada
•Mother: Elmire Marie CADOTTE
(1867-1960), Massey , Ontario , Canada Québec , Canada
•Father: François Lemay
(1814-1898) Ste-Anne-des-Plaines, Terrebonne ,
Quebec , Canada
•Mother: Marie MARQUERITE DAVID
(1791-1832) Sault-au-Récollet, Montréal, Québec ,
Canada
==>NOTE: So far my research
has shown all above are Christians.
All were Catholic until my dad
Ted Callear converted to Protestant in the 1950s.
Marie is a daughter of a long
line of Davids.
At this point the Davids are
Catholic but are descendants of Christian Huguenots, as well as being descendants of
Israel
•Father: Jacques Amable DAVID
(1755-1834) Ile De Montreal ,,Quebec ,Canada
•Father: Jacques DAVID
(1717-1793) Chambly, , Quebec , Canada
•Father: Jacques Amable DAVID (1693-1727)
Chambly , Chambly ,
Québec , Canada
•Father: Jacques David
(1657-1708) Trois Rivieres , St Maurice , Quebec , Canada
•Father: Guillaume DAVID
(1636-1711) Bracquemont, Rouen ,
Normandy , France
==>NOTE: In 1678 (on
official Canadian records) Guillaume stated his religion to be
"Huguenot"
•Father: Blaise Didier DAVID
(1597-1662) Notra Dame De Bracquemont, Diocese Rouen
•Father: Rambert David (1560-) Rouen , Normandie ,
France
•Father: Pierre David III
(1535-1441) Normandy
•Father: Claude David (1490-1701)Normandy , France
•Father: Claude David (1490-1701)
•Father: Henri David (1455-) Normandy , France
==>NOTE: Henri's wife was
Anna de Bois-Bourdon. Her father, Sébastien de Bois de Bourdon
(Zach's 16th Great
Grandfather), was Queen Isabeau's lover. He was ordered to be drowned by the King of
France when Bois-Bourdon refused to bow to him or explain his amorous
adventures.*
•Father: Bertrand David (1420-)
Normandy , France
•Father: Pierre David II
(1385-1441) France
•Father: Guillaume David
(1350-) Normandy , France
•Father: Jean David (1310-) Normandy , France
•Father: Gilles David (1270-) Normandy
•Father:
Pierre David (1230-) Normandy , France
•Father: Julien de St Etienne
DAVID (Bet. 1200-1212) St Etienne, Ardeche, Rhone-Alpes,
==>NOTE: Julien is First
Christian Christening in the David line.**
The Bondesen-David [herein
joined by Callear] family tree starts in 1150 (France
"The family crest was in
honour of King David of Israel
I have traced our Davids
directly to Julien de St Etienne DAVID (Born Bet. 1200-1212) St Etienne,
Ardeche, Rhone-Alpes , France
-Records said that Julien de St
Etienne DAVID "Owns castles in Pravieux"*
-The Bondesen-David [herein
joined by Callear] family tree starts in 1150 (France
-"The family crest was in
honour of King David of Israel
From Ancestry.com:
Title: The Origin of the David Surname
Description: Location: Babylon (Iraq
Attached To: Julien David (born
1200)
http://trees.ancestry.com/pt/ViewStory.aspx?tid=2987411&pid=-1776708815&did=395db3dd-ac2d-4d3c-b3f1-da8eb6a2e8c3&src=search
According to Jewish historians
and scholars, Julien de St Etienne David was a direct lineal descendant of
Makir Theodoric (Thierry) David, who was the Exilarch of the Jews of the
Babylonian Captivity who during the reign of Charlemagne had come with his
family to France from Babylon. [Callears also descend directly from Charlemagne
4-6 different ways. I have 4 of these family trees firmly established]
The family of the Makir settled
first at Narbonne, and thereafter his descendants settled in the Duchy of
Normandy, keeping the surname of David to signify their descent from the Kings
of Judah and Israel.
Thus the lineage of Julien de
St Etienne David would be traced back first to Makir Theodoric David, and his
forebear Hannini David, and through the Exilarchs back to King Jehoiachin of
Judah, the brother of King Zedekiah the last King of Judah. From King
Jehoiachin the royal line would descend back to King Solomon and then to his
father King David, the son of Jesse, who was chosen by God and anointed by
Samuel to be King over Israel
Citations:
*Compiled
by Pierre-France Bondesen-David [Translated from French]. All Rights Reserved,
2009. ARBRE GENEALOGIQUE (BRANCHE PATERNELLE) DE BEATRICE , VICTORIA
**Database online: Record for
Julien DAVID
***The specific research
pertaining to our Huguenot Davids (17th Century) is translated into English at:
http://translate.google.com/translate?hl=en&sl=fr&u=http://pages.infinit.net/barbeaum/fichier/fichieab.htm&ei=FGqOS76aI5KXlAeOsq2XDQ&sa=X&oi=translate&ct=result&resnum=2&ved=0CAkQ7gEwAQ&prev=/search%3Fq%3D%2522Guillaume%2BDavid%2522%2BNew%2BYork%2Bhuguenot%26hl%3Den
A few more related tidbits:
FROM: Bloodline of the Holy
Grail, September 28, 2005
By Margaret C. Jacob
"grail buff"
Laurence Gardner's above-cited
book helps us understand what went on here: on p. 185, it reads "after
their defeat by Charles Martel in the 730s, the Islamic Moors retreated to the
city of Narbonne territory of Burgundy
"Pepin agreed and the Jews
defeated the Moors from within the city. The Jewish kingdom
of Septimania (the Midi) was then
established in 768, from Nimes to the Spanish
frontier, with Narbonne Neustria
and Burgundy
"Pepin's son, Charles, was
the ruler who became known as Charlemagne the Great. As King of the Franks from
771 and Emperor of the West from 800, Charlemagne was pleased to confirm
Guilhelm's entitlement to dynastic sovereignty in Septimania. The appointment
was also upheld by
the Caliph of Baghdad and, reluctantly, by Pope Stephen in Rome
Also: as Callears, Lemays, Cadots, Davids,
Cloutiers, Clairmonts, LaFontaines, and Dubords we descend from Charlemagne in
4 ways that I have documented and probably in 2 more ways that seem likely. My
son Zachary also, through his mother (LeeAnn Durfee), descends from many Kings
and Queens of Scotland clark
March 4, 2010
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